The French Revolution: An Examination of the Semantics of Political Violence
When
does violence become political? How do we know when it crosses the line between
domestic violence to political violence? What are the differences between
terrorism and interstate conflicts, or between revolutions and civil wars?
While some clarity to these and similar questions has come in recent decades,
there still remains a considerable amount of debate and disagreement about what
constitutes political violence and how it should be classified. In an attempt
to cut through the confusion, some scholars have offered their own definitions
of political violence (Samuels 2012, 258-282). As can be expected, these
definitions have been greeted with varying levels of acceptance. This blog will
take one instance of political violence, categorize it according to generally
accepted definitions of political violence, and then check to see if that
definition reflects the reality of the event in focus.
To illustrate how difficult it can be to
categorize political violence, I will use a famous example–the French
“Revolution.” According to Samuels, a revolution is an “armed conflict within a
sovereign state between insurgents and the state, in which both the insurgents
and the state claim the allegiance of a significant proportion of the
population; authority over the state is forcibly transferred from the state to
the insurgents, and the insurgents subsequently bring about wholesale political
change” (Samuels 2012, 269). This is quite a wordy definition, but basically it
says that it only counts as a revolution if both of the sides that are fighting
were on the same side to begin with, both sides enjoy popular support, and the
side that challenge the existing government win and make big changes once they
take over. With these stipulations, does the uprising of the French bourgeoisie
in the late 1700s qualify as a revolution?
As
is generally the case in questions of political science, the answer is
multidimensional and tricky. We will start with where the definition works
well. The French Revolution was certainly an armed and bloody conflict–conservative
estimates suggest that over 40,000 people lost their lives during the
Robespierre’s reign of terror alone (Gogh 1998, 77). It
was also clearly an example of the insurgents fighting against the state, with
the bourgeoisie (peasants) attacking the proletariats (the aristocrats). Both
groups of people were initially subject to the authority of the state of France
embodied in King Louis XVI. Also, the authority was eventually transferred from
the king (and the aristocracy in general) to people as a whole, and France
underwent wholesale change from a Monarchy to a Republic (Arnold 2009, 15-18).
In those ways, Samuel’s definition for a revolution work very well in this
case.
Where
the definition does not match up as well in this specific comparison is the
idea that in order to be a revolution, both sides must enjoy widespread popular
support. The French Revolution had many aspects, but roughly numerically
balanced sides opposing each other was not one of them. The peasants
outnumbered the aristocrats by an overwhelming majority, and they enjoyed much
higher levels of overall support than did the proletariat. This fact puts into
question the validity of Samuels’ definition.
While much of his definition of a revolution falls in line perfectly
with what is observed in the French Revolution, there is one aspect that seems
to conflict with the case study in question. Should it still count as a
revolution?
I argue that
that while the French Revolution may not match every aspect of a paragraph–long
definition, it follows closely enough that I feel comfortable in classifying it
as a revolution. Not all aspects of a definition are created equal, and the
most important parts of a revolution (an armed conflict within state boundaries
that the insurgents win) are present in this case.
REFERENCES
Arnold, James R. 2009. The aftermath of the French Revolution. Minneapolis,
MN: Twenty-first Century Books.
Gough, Hugh (1998). The Terror in
the French Revolution. p. 77.
Samuels, David J. 2013. Comparative politics. New York, NY: Pearson.
I like how you looked at both the good and the bad of the definition. You have a very readable writing style.
ReplyDeleteExcellent transitions
ReplyDeleteI like how you decided to tweak Samuel's definition of revolutions to adjust for your case study.
ReplyDelete