A problem in
political science is the creation of over-arching definitions to phenomenon in
history. This problem persists in the defining and classifying different types
of political violence. The five main instances of political violence are: Civil
War, Revolution, Inter-state war, genocide, and terrorism. Once those
categories are created they must also be defined. David J Samuels attempts to
do that in his book, Comparative Politics.
Specifically he
defines Revolutions as an “armed conflict within a sovereign state between
insurgents and the state, in which both insurgents and the state claim the
allegiance of a significant proportion of the population; authority over the
state is forcible transferred from thee state to the insurgents and the
insurgents subsequently bring about wholesale political change.” According to
this definition a revolution must have four characteristics, all occur within a
sovereign state, significant allegiance to both parties, the insurgents win,
and bring about major political change. So how does this definition stand up to
real historical instances of revolution?
In his book “The
Age of Revolution” E. J Hobsbawm refers to the French revolution as “the revolution” in the age of many
revolutions. Therefore, if Samuels’ definition is accurate it should fit with
historical evidence of the French Revolution.
The
French revolution was definitely isolated to its borders, since it was the most
powerful and populous nation in Europe at the time [Hobsbawm] the revolution
was not caused by any spillover effect, nor did it involve significant
participation from other nations.
Furthermore,
Hobsbawm describes it as a “mass social revolution”; this implies that there
was a widely felt effect and support for the revolution. The bourgeoisie and
its ideas of classical liberalism were widely supported by the middle and lower
classes of the French population, while the upper class and the nobility or in
other words the state were decidedly against the revolution which more support
coming from the clergy. This revolution indeed engulfed the whole nation.
The final
requirements of a revolution are the victory of the insurgents and the change
they in turn implement. Both of these requirements are also apparent in the
French revolution although they are slightly more complicated to answer. In 1789 the moderate bourgeoisie gained
control of the national assembly abolished the nobility and reduced the power
of the clergy. The revolutionaries had gained political control and had begun
to enact their “wholesale political change.” At first this political changed
reflected the old system, however the revolution did not stop there; there
would be many changing of hands between different groups, each significantly
changing the political process of France. However, at this point, it is clear
that the French Revolution meats all the criteria of the definition provided by
Samuels.
It makes sense
that “the revolution” would match the definition of a revolution. Besides the
American Revolution, it is one of the most commonly known and studied examples
of revolution. As such it has all the elements necessary to be considered a
revolution and thus backs up the definition given by Samuels. It was contained
in one nation, between insurgents and the state, there was widespread support, and
the insurgents won and then enacted political change. This does not necessarily
mean that the definition is perfect or that this is the perfect example, simply
that in this scenario all the criteria on both sides are meant.
My country is France as well. I think you did a good job of explaining how the French Revolution truly did meet the requirements of a revolution as defined by Samuels.
ReplyDeleteI think you did a great job of using a very well known example and showing how it perfectly fits with the definition.
ReplyDeleteExcellent job in taking a classic example of a revolution and using it to test the validity of the definition rather than using the definition to test the validity of the event as a revolution.
ReplyDelete