Blog Post 5: Political Identity

Luke Bell

In his analysis of human behavior and social inquiry, Daniel Little asserts that “the central goal of social inquiry is the interpretation of meaningful human practices” (Little 1991, 68).  One of the fundamental questions of political research deals with interpreting human behavior with regard to political identity.  Political identity refers to “the way individuals categorize themselves and others and how they understand the power relationships . . . that exist between groups” (Samuel 2011, 149).  Two influential theories, primordialism and constructivism seek to answer the extent to which humans gain and maintain their political identities.  Proponents of primordialism argue that political identity is an innate characteristic that is instilled at birth or in early childhood and does not change throughout life (Samuels 2011, 153).  Constructivism, on the other hand, holds that political identity is a learned behavior that can be altered depending on circumstances (Samuels 2011, 157).  To evaluate the effectiveness of these approaches, I will explore political identity through the paradigm of the LDS population in the United States.

A recent study by the Pew Forum of Religion and Public Life indicates that approximately 66 percent of Latter-day Saints across the United States identify themselves as conservatives and 74 percent say that they either are registered Republicans or lean toward the Republican Party (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life 2012).  Because many members of the LDS church identify in some way with the conservative causes, some have suggested that the Church’s political identity has a distinct Republican flavor.  Despite this, there are a substantial number of Latter-day Saints who are Democrats, especially outside of Utah.  Is there a clearly defined LDS political identity? In an attempt to answer this question, exit pollsters asked voters in Utah whether it is possible to be a good Mormon and a good Democrat (Brown 2010).  Of the “very active” Latter-day Saints (both Republicans and Democrats) who were surveyed, 89 percent said that they felt that it was possible to be a Democrat and a faithful Mormon (Brown 2010). While most Latter-day Saints would probably acknowledge that their political views are guided by religion, the fact that many Church members are Democrats indicates that “principles compatible with the gospel may be found in the platforms of the various political parties” (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 2012).  This evidence suggests that if there is a political identity within Mormonism, it does not result in complete support or denouncement of a particular party.  Because of the diversity of opinion among Latter-day Saints, it is difficult to distinguish a distinct political identity within membership of the LDS church.  

The difference of opinions between members of the LDS church suggests that political identity is not a primordially developed instinct; rather, people can and do change their political identities.  Even predominantly Republican Utah has experienced major changes in party affiliation over the years.  Indeed, from the 1920s through the 1940s (when an enormous majority of Utahns were Mormons) Democrats dominated Utah politics and enjoyed several periods of success during the 1960s and 1970s (Sillito 2012).  These changes in opinions in Utah demonstrate that political identities change over time.  Currently, the existence of Latter-day Saint Democrats in and outside of Utah shows that political identity also varies within the LDS church.  These variations of political preferences within the current LDS population and within the LDS population overtime suggest that political identity is malleable within groups and among individuals.  Thus, the example of Latter-day Saints in the United States seems to support the conclusions of constructivist theorists.  In other words, political identities can change and are not necessarily dependent on inherent communal or individual instincts. 

In sum, because of the differences in LDS political views among the current population of Latter-day Saints in the United States, it does not appear that there is a clearly discernible LDS political identity.  The fact that political opinion varies among contemporary Latter-day Saints and has varied among the large population of Latter-day Saints in Utah over time suggests that political identity is a changeable phenomenon.  Therefore, the case study of Latter-day Saints in the United States seems to support the claims of Constructivism.  

REFERENCES

Brown, Adam. 2010. Can a good Mormon be a good Democrat? Utah Data Points. http://utahdatapoints .com/ 2010/12/ can-a-good-mormon-be-a-good-democrat/ (accessed October 11, 2012).

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. 2012. First Presidency Issues Letter on Utah Precinct Caucus Meetings. Newsroom. February 13. http://www.mormonnewsroom.org/article/first-presidency-issues-letter-utah-precinct-caucus-meetings (accessed October 11, 2012).  

Little, Daniel. 1991. Varieties of social explanation: An introduction to the philosophies of social science. Boulder, CO: Westview Press

Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life. 2012. Mormons in America. http://www.pewforum.org/ Christian/Mormon/mormons-in-america-politics-society-and-morality.aspx (accessed October 11, 2012).

Samuels, David J. 2012. Comparative Politics. Minneapolis: Pearson. 

Sillito, John. 2012. Democratic Party in Utah History Encyclopedia.  http://www.media.utah.edu/UHE/d/ DEMOCRATIC.html (accessed October 11, 2012).